Monday 7 November 2016

Waitangi Treaty Grounds, New Zealand, and Hong Kong, October 2016 - The sins of the past

The singer Lily Allen has recently been in trouble with the populist press in the UK for apologising for her country’s behaviour and attitudes young refugees in the ‘Jungle’ camp at Calais – recently dismantled.  I have likewise had the feeling that I should apologise in a similar way to some of those I have met of late.  But the difference is that Lily Allen was apologising for things that the UK is doing now: I felt like apologising for things done by my country in the past – and quite a long time in the past at that.

Whilst travelling in the  Far East and Australasia recently I have come up against the history of Britain’s dealings with the Maori peoples of New Zealand, and of Britain’s relations with China over Hong Kong.  Whilst in New Zealand I visited Waitangi, the site of the Treaty of 1840 that brought the land of the Maoris under British control, and I also learned more about the relationships through visiting museums in Auckland (an excellent and even-handed account), Rotorua and Wellington.  In Hong Kong what knowledge I already had of the history of the old British Crown Colony was supplemented by a visit to the Hong Kong Museum of History in Chatham Road South, Kowloon.

The events I felt like apologising for took place in the 1840s, and there is a remarkable coincidence of dates.  The Treaty of Waitangi with the Maoris was signed in February 1840.  Less than a year later the Convention of Chuenpi was concluded with the Qing Dynasty, leading to the cession of Hong Kong to Britain the following year as a Crown Colony. Both these treaties were signed during the period when Lord Melbourne was Prime Minister back in London – a man normally seen as something of a liberal reformist (for example through his reductions in the number of offences carrying capital punishment, or his reforms of local government).

Yet to today’s eyes Britain’s actions in New Zealand and Hong Kong in the 1840s  look distasteful.   Versions of the Waitangi Treaty were signed in both English and Maori, yet there are important differences in wording between them.  Was this just a problem of translation at a time when the two languages had only been in contact for around 70 years, or was there an intention to deceive?   There were certainly differences between Maori and British understandings of what land ownership meant, and different views on the meaning of the English word ‘authority’ in the Treaty, with the British view being that the Maori had put themselves under the authority of the British crown, whilst the Maori felt they had entered into an equal partnership.  There followed massive transfers of land from the Maori to the Pākehā (whites), often for derisory sums of money via what was in effect a compulsory purchase order.  The ramifications of the Treaty and its ensuing relationships are still being played out, as the Auckland Museum made particularly clear, with legal structures in place to adjudicate on claims and to right some of the wrongs done in the decades following the Treaty.

Yet the depiction of the Waitangi Treaty in various places still seems to me to play down its negative consequences.  A number of references to it concentrate on celebrating the Queen’s presence at the 150th anniversary celebrations in 1990, which was actually the occasion of protests by Maori (not depicted in museum exhibits). 

But perhaps I don’t need to apologise for the actions of my country in New Zealand back in 1840.  The Queen has already done it.  In an unprecedented move the Queen in 1995 issued an apology to the Maori peoples for injustices they had suffered as a result of the Waitangi Treaty – the only known occasion when the British crown has ever said sorry.

The story of Britain in Hong Kong at the same period as the Waitangi Treaty is perhaps even worse.  China was selling large quantities of goods to the west, but China was self-sufficient and bought little in return.  So the British tried to force China to buy opium from the East India Company: when this was rejected by the Chinese Emperor Britain launched the First Opium War to enforce the trade.  The War was only concluded by the hand-over of Hong Kong to the British as a trading base.  Late nineteenth century English fiction depicted the depravity of opium-taking Chinese settlers in London and other ports, but it was British interests that had encouraged the habit amongst the Chinese population at large, doing untold damage to health and social relations.  There followed a Second Opium War between 1856 and 1860 when the British (and other western powers) declared that China was not opening up quickly enough to the opium trade controlled by Britain.  These are unsavoury episodes in British imperial history that I think are not very well known in the UK, and which don’t feature greatly in textbooks of the period. But those that do cover these events match closely in their interpretation with the exhibits and the narrative of the Hong Kong Museum of History.

There is a repeating element in the story of the west’s attitudes to China in the 1840s.  Today, just as then, there is a massive trade imbalance with China with the country exporting very much more than she buys from outside.  In the single month of August 2016 alone China had a USD 52 billion surplus on external trade.  What can China now be persuaded to buy from elsewhere (other than the foodstuffs and raw materials that constitute its biggest imports – and with many of the materials being processed for export as manufactured goods)?

Should we now apologise to China for the Opium Wars?  In one obvious sense yes, but in another way the fact that Hong Kong remained a British crown colony until 1997 provided a haven for refugees from China after the 1949 Revolution and has continued to act even now as something of a fulcrum between China and the West.  Certainly there was a difficult colonial history up until the Second World War of racism, the sexual exploitation of women, gambling and drug taking, but more recently Hong Kong has played a more benevolent role on the global stage – albeit with some of its freedoms now threatened by the China of which it is now a part.

So I won't apologise to those standing around me in the museums of New Zealand and Hong Kong who come from Maori or Chinese backgrounds.  But I would love to get inside their heads and understand what they are thinking as they read about the British actions of the 1840s, and examine related exhibits.   As the French proverb has it – perhaps it is just a case of autres temps, autres mœurs (other times, other standards).  Or perhaps L.P. Hartley had it right at the start of his 1953 novel The Go-Between: “The past is a foreign country: they do things differently there.”  But does everyone recognise that attitudes can change?